Folks,
All my posts will be moved to my second blog , CSK http://cskstrikes.blogspot.com/
Hence, this Will Kor Kor blog will be obsolete.
In CSK, i would blog about engineering ( the stepping field of CSK ) , and everything that been generated by CSK's brain
13 Oct 2008
24 Sept 2008
Tengku Hamzah -
I write this as a Malaysian, as someone who, over 47 years of political life, has had the privilege of playing some small part in the formation of our country, the building of its institutions, and our achievement of a degree of economic sufficiency.
I write out of deep concern about the present state of our country.
In the lives of nations as of individuals, there come moments of profound possibility, when the potential for self-transcendence and for self-destruction are simultaneously present.
As before some critical examination in our youth, we come to the daunting realisation that we hold our future in our hands, when how we will fare many years hence, and whether we shall flourish or languish, will depend on how we conduct ourselves now, in this small window of time.
We are in a political impasse that threatens to metastasize into a constitutional crisis. Political crises come and go, but the present crisis might well be the beginning of a cascade of failures leading to long-term instability and destruction.
1. Our impasse occurs at a time of heightened economic, political and security challenges. The global economy faces the prospect of a meltdown on a scale last seen in the Great Depression of the last century. As a trading nation, we are strongly exposed to its effects. Meanwhile, while we seem to have slept, the global economy is undergoing an epic transformation that we must either adapt to or are marginalised by.
2. This year’s ground-shifting general election result signalled a public sentiment that cannot be ignored. Malaysians want fundamental change, and they want it now, whether from within the ruling coalition or from outside it. The Malaysian demographics have changed dramatically over the last 50 years. We have seen the birth of a more sophisticated, demanding electorate that has rightly lost patience with incompetence and dishonesty.
3. The grievances of Sabah and Sarawak, which found only partial expression in the general election, remain unaddressed. This risks the very integrity of our federation.
4. Misunderstandings over race and religion are ripe for political exploitation, with potentially disastrous consequences. Post-election promises notwithstanding, however, the government now commands even less confidence than it did post-March 8. The public is in near despair over the prospects for change from within the ruling party.
Rather than share the public’s sense of urgency, our present office-holders have redoubled efforts to frustrate renewal, cut off reform and silence criticism. These efforts only underscore the weakness of the administration and its will to change.
We can no longer deny that in its present form, and under the present leadership, the government, led by the party to which I have given my life, is now structurally and inherently incapable of providing the direction and confidence that the country needs, whether over the long or short term.
The indications are there for all to see: 1. The government has been unable to respond to the economic crisis with even a basic plan of action. Business confidence has plummeted as capital flees the country. Our economic policy remains as uncoordinated and directionless as it has been since the beginning of this administration.
2. The recommendations of two Royal Commissions of Inquiry have been ignored or watered down into insignificance.
3. In this context, Umno’s constitutional provision for the renewal of its leadership by triennial elections might have been expected to provide some hope of renewal.
Instead of embracing this opportunity, however, the leadership of the party has retreated into the fantasy world of a “transition plan” which rides roughshod over the party’s constitution and the rights of its members.
This risible attempt to treat public office and party trust as a private bequest between two individuals, one of whom wishes to hold office beyond his democratic mandate and the other to ascend without one, and the continuing effort to force feed the country with this notion, fools no one.
Instead, and against a background of rampant money politics, it kills the public’s hope of national renewal via Umno. Behind the babble about a “transition plan”, the prime minister continues to be subverted by members of his own cabinet and subjected to thinly cloaked power plays to force his resignation.
This resort to a “transition plan” betrays a disturbing failure to grasp the meaning and purpose of public office. In the more mature society into which we aspire to grow, persons who demonstrate and moreover propagate such disregard for constitutional and democratic process would long ago have been disqualified from public life, let alone national leadership.
The news appears not to have sunk in that the public rejects leaders who shun the open light of democratic contest in favour of staged plays and backroom plots.
Given Umno’s core role in national politics, this is a dangerous state of affairs.
Meanwhile, the opposition has made undeniable gains in the number of parliamentarians it commands. Beyond the hype and inflation, and regardless of whether Pakatan Rakyat now has “the numbers” to command a majority, what we cannot doubt is that support for the governing majority continues to erode, and that this erosion continues so long as there is no hope of real change in the type of leadership Umno provides.
There is now a credible threat that the present government may at some time fall by a vote of no confidence, or by some otherwise constitutionally legitimate demonstration of parliamentary majority.
After 51 years of rule by a single party, this is not a possibility that is well understood. It is justifiably viewed with trepidation. Neither sheer denial on the one hand, nor inflated claims on the other, help the situation.
To all appearances, we are beginning to lose grip of the rule of law. The use of the Internal Security Act and of Sedition laws to target particular individuals further erodes the credibility of the government. Our actions exacerbate rather than calm the fear that stokes civil and racial strife.
In the present context of a leadership struggle within Umno and against a strong opposition, it is impossible to dispel the notion that these extreme measures are calculated to maintain certain individuals in power rather than to address verifiable threats to national security.
Nothing does more to undermine the legitimacy of a government than plainly unjust acts. The ridiculous justifications given for some of these detentions have further undermined public confidence that the awesome powers of state are in safe hands.
We cannot afford to allow these disturbing trends to play out their destructive course while we suffer a de facto leadership vacuum, and while the rule of law is uncertain and the constitution not upheld.
Against this background, I appeal to all parties to come together in humility, beyond party politics, to hold an honest discussion in the spirit of shared citizenship and with the gravest attitude of common responsibility towards a long suffering rakyat, about what is happening to our country and how we might agree together on a peaceful way beyond our impasse.
We need to come together to find unity and direction out of this dangerous situation. In doing so, we might turn our crisis into an opportunity and renew our unity and sense of direction as Malaysia.
I write out of deep concern about the present state of our country.
In the lives of nations as of individuals, there come moments of profound possibility, when the potential for self-transcendence and for self-destruction are simultaneously present.
As before some critical examination in our youth, we come to the daunting realisation that we hold our future in our hands, when how we will fare many years hence, and whether we shall flourish or languish, will depend on how we conduct ourselves now, in this small window of time.
We are in a political impasse that threatens to metastasize into a constitutional crisis. Political crises come and go, but the present crisis might well be the beginning of a cascade of failures leading to long-term instability and destruction.
1. Our impasse occurs at a time of heightened economic, political and security challenges. The global economy faces the prospect of a meltdown on a scale last seen in the Great Depression of the last century. As a trading nation, we are strongly exposed to its effects. Meanwhile, while we seem to have slept, the global economy is undergoing an epic transformation that we must either adapt to or are marginalised by.
2. This year’s ground-shifting general election result signalled a public sentiment that cannot be ignored. Malaysians want fundamental change, and they want it now, whether from within the ruling coalition or from outside it. The Malaysian demographics have changed dramatically over the last 50 years. We have seen the birth of a more sophisticated, demanding electorate that has rightly lost patience with incompetence and dishonesty.
3. The grievances of Sabah and Sarawak, which found only partial expression in the general election, remain unaddressed. This risks the very integrity of our federation.
4. Misunderstandings over race and religion are ripe for political exploitation, with potentially disastrous consequences. Post-election promises notwithstanding, however, the government now commands even less confidence than it did post-March 8. The public is in near despair over the prospects for change from within the ruling party.
Rather than share the public’s sense of urgency, our present office-holders have redoubled efforts to frustrate renewal, cut off reform and silence criticism. These efforts only underscore the weakness of the administration and its will to change.
We can no longer deny that in its present form, and under the present leadership, the government, led by the party to which I have given my life, is now structurally and inherently incapable of providing the direction and confidence that the country needs, whether over the long or short term.
The indications are there for all to see: 1. The government has been unable to respond to the economic crisis with even a basic plan of action. Business confidence has plummeted as capital flees the country. Our economic policy remains as uncoordinated and directionless as it has been since the beginning of this administration.
2. The recommendations of two Royal Commissions of Inquiry have been ignored or watered down into insignificance.
3. In this context, Umno’s constitutional provision for the renewal of its leadership by triennial elections might have been expected to provide some hope of renewal.
Instead of embracing this opportunity, however, the leadership of the party has retreated into the fantasy world of a “transition plan” which rides roughshod over the party’s constitution and the rights of its members.
This risible attempt to treat public office and party trust as a private bequest between two individuals, one of whom wishes to hold office beyond his democratic mandate and the other to ascend without one, and the continuing effort to force feed the country with this notion, fools no one.
Instead, and against a background of rampant money politics, it kills the public’s hope of national renewal via Umno. Behind the babble about a “transition plan”, the prime minister continues to be subverted by members of his own cabinet and subjected to thinly cloaked power plays to force his resignation.
This resort to a “transition plan” betrays a disturbing failure to grasp the meaning and purpose of public office. In the more mature society into which we aspire to grow, persons who demonstrate and moreover propagate such disregard for constitutional and democratic process would long ago have been disqualified from public life, let alone national leadership.
The news appears not to have sunk in that the public rejects leaders who shun the open light of democratic contest in favour of staged plays and backroom plots.
Given Umno’s core role in national politics, this is a dangerous state of affairs.
Meanwhile, the opposition has made undeniable gains in the number of parliamentarians it commands. Beyond the hype and inflation, and regardless of whether Pakatan Rakyat now has “the numbers” to command a majority, what we cannot doubt is that support for the governing majority continues to erode, and that this erosion continues so long as there is no hope of real change in the type of leadership Umno provides.
There is now a credible threat that the present government may at some time fall by a vote of no confidence, or by some otherwise constitutionally legitimate demonstration of parliamentary majority.
After 51 years of rule by a single party, this is not a possibility that is well understood. It is justifiably viewed with trepidation. Neither sheer denial on the one hand, nor inflated claims on the other, help the situation.
To all appearances, we are beginning to lose grip of the rule of law. The use of the Internal Security Act and of Sedition laws to target particular individuals further erodes the credibility of the government. Our actions exacerbate rather than calm the fear that stokes civil and racial strife.
In the present context of a leadership struggle within Umno and against a strong opposition, it is impossible to dispel the notion that these extreme measures are calculated to maintain certain individuals in power rather than to address verifiable threats to national security.
Nothing does more to undermine the legitimacy of a government than plainly unjust acts. The ridiculous justifications given for some of these detentions have further undermined public confidence that the awesome powers of state are in safe hands.
We cannot afford to allow these disturbing trends to play out their destructive course while we suffer a de facto leadership vacuum, and while the rule of law is uncertain and the constitution not upheld.
Against this background, I appeal to all parties to come together in humility, beyond party politics, to hold an honest discussion in the spirit of shared citizenship and with the gravest attitude of common responsibility towards a long suffering rakyat, about what is happening to our country and how we might agree together on a peaceful way beyond our impasse.
We need to come together to find unity and direction out of this dangerous situation. In doing so, we might turn our crisis into an opportunity and renew our unity and sense of direction as Malaysia.
15 Aug 2008
Double Standard
Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) chairperson P Waythamoorthy accused the authorities of practising double-standards.
“You have over 300 protesters behaving aggressively, carrying inciting banners and storming into the Bar Council forum raising uncalled for racial sentiments against fellow non-Malay Malaysians without fear and protected by the Royal Police Force,” he said.
The Hindraf chief also accused the ruling coalition of using religion to further its political agenda and popularity.
“There is no actual racial issue in Malaysia, it is only incited and seeded into the public to create a scenario that best serves an authoritarian state to serve its own agenda against the goodwill and humanity for the Malaysian society that have co-existed irrespective of their colour, race, religion and creed,” said Waythamoorthy.
“You have over 300 protesters behaving aggressively, carrying inciting banners and storming into the Bar Council forum raising uncalled for racial sentiments against fellow non-Malay Malaysians without fear and protected by the Royal Police Force,” he said.
The Hindraf chief also accused the ruling coalition of using religion to further its political agenda and popularity.
“There is no actual racial issue in Malaysia, it is only incited and seeded into the public to create a scenario that best serves an authoritarian state to serve its own agenda against the goodwill and humanity for the Malaysian society that have co-existed irrespective of their colour, race, religion and creed,” said Waythamoorthy.
1 Aug 2008
Merdeka Talk
The recent talk between PAS and UMNO have been unfruitful. PAS said they are not merging with UMNO and reject any co-operation. This means the rejection of the chance to rule Selangor state goverment and the post of Chief Minister. People must be wondering what went wrong? Does this means the malay unity talk have failed and the whats the effect on the country? I was under the impression that the unity talk was intend to unite the malay people to solve a particular problem or/and eliminate a certain enemy. The impression comes from both parties's comments in the electronic media. But it seems like there is no clear effect and no enemy came out to claim victory since the talk failed. Just another hangat-hangat tahi ayam talk by the malay leader?
We have just entered the month of Merdeka as a nation for the 51st time . Does the malay unity talk contribute to Malaysian unity which have been heavily promoted during merdeka celebration?
(Malaysia insider,1st aug, John Lee)
Issues such as fundamental liberties and economic advancement are more important than race, after all. And our founding fathers anticipated this, as you can easily tell from the formulation of our Proclamation of Independence. Our proclamation, on the other hand, announces that we "shall be forever a sovereign democratic and independent State founded upon the principles of liberty and justice and ever seeking the welfare and happiness of its people".
Our founding fathers were not too worried about things as petty as race. They did not establish us as a Malay state or a Muslim state; they did not need to call for Malay unity or Muslim unity. Even if they did believe that in the short term some authoritarianism was necessary to clamp down on ethnic tension, they knew that in the long run all that matters is that the people of Malaysia are happy, that they have liberty and justice.
Then the writer raised 2 good points about the aim of the PAS-UMNO unity talk.
1. to improve the lot of the Malays by lording it over other Malaysians with some ideology of ketuanan
or
2. based on the principles our founding fathers espoused, looking to further the happiness and liberties of all Malaysians
I am under the impression that the talk is to achieve aim number 1 as above. i know some political leaders will use their mouth and deny this. But deep in my heart, i know how the appreciation of OTHERS' malaysian is not very deep.
Happy Merdeka Day!!!
We have just entered the month of Merdeka as a nation for the 51st time . Does the malay unity talk contribute to Malaysian unity which have been heavily promoted during merdeka celebration?
(Malaysia insider,1st aug, John Lee)
Issues such as fundamental liberties and economic advancement are more important than race, after all. And our founding fathers anticipated this, as you can easily tell from the formulation of our Proclamation of Independence. Our proclamation, on the other hand, announces that we "shall be forever a sovereign democratic and independent State founded upon the principles of liberty and justice and ever seeking the welfare and happiness of its people".
Our founding fathers were not too worried about things as petty as race. They did not establish us as a Malay state or a Muslim state; they did not need to call for Malay unity or Muslim unity. Even if they did believe that in the short term some authoritarianism was necessary to clamp down on ethnic tension, they knew that in the long run all that matters is that the people of Malaysia are happy, that they have liberty and justice.
Then the writer raised 2 good points about the aim of the PAS-UMNO unity talk.
1. to improve the lot of the Malays by lording it over other Malaysians with some ideology of ketuanan
or2. based on the principles our founding fathers espoused, looking to further the happiness and liberties of all Malaysians
I am under the impression that the talk is to achieve aim number 1 as above. i know some political leaders will use their mouth and deny this. But deep in my heart, i know how the appreciation of OTHERS' malaysian is not very deep.
Happy Merdeka Day!!!
31 Jul 2008
Crude Oil
Everyday or most of the time when we open the daily newspaper, we observe the rise or fall of the price of crude oil. Figures given like US$ 120 per barrel and so. But does anyone know what is crude oil and how much is one barrel? I intend to explain it here.
Crude oil : The oil we find underground is called crude oil. Crude oil is a mixture of hydrocarbons - from almost solid to gaseous. These were produced when tiny plants and animals decayed under layers of sand and mud millions of years ago. Crude oil has to be changed before it can be used for anything. This happens in an oil refinery
Crude oil is sold between countries in quantities called barrels. (The same measurement is used to sell whisky.)
One barrel of oil is the same as:
280 pints (a lot of bottles of milk)
The weight of a barrel depends on where the oil comes from. However, there are about 8 barrels in a tonne. You could fit nearly 2 million barrels of oil into a football stadium - or one and a half tankers. This is how much oil we use in the UK every day.
Crude oil : The oil we find underground is called crude oil. Crude oil is a mixture of hydrocarbons - from almost solid to gaseous. These were produced when tiny plants and animals decayed under layers of sand and mud millions of years ago. Crude oil has to be changed before it can be used for anything. This happens in an oil refinery
Crude oil is sold between countries in quantities called barrels. (The same measurement is used to sell whisky.)
One barrel of oil is the same as:
159 litres (about 80 large fizzy drink bottle)
or
35 gallons (enough to fit in the petrol tanks of about 4 cars)
280 pints (a lot of bottles of milk)
The weight of a barrel depends on where the oil comes from. However, there are about 8 barrels in a tonne. You could fit nearly 2 million barrels of oil into a football stadium - or one and a half tankers. This is how much oil we use in the UK every day.
What is Principle?
Recently, my good mate faced some problem and have doubts about his life. He uses this quote to find his right path again
When you are in doubt, always fall back to principle.
But, i am still confused what is principle? So i type define principle in google . Among various results that i found intriguing.
When you are in doubt, always fall back to principle.
But, i am still confused what is principle? So i type define principle in google . Among various results that i found intriguing.
- A rule used to choose among solutions to a problem
- a point of probability on a subject which allows for the formation of or norm or law by (human) interpretation of the phenomena that can be created
- rationale: an explanation of the fundamental reasons
- rule of personal conduct . a rule or standard especially of good behavior
Refering these definition to our Malaysia Judiciary systems , law enforcers (POLICE ) and doctors , UMNO politician.I would say the value of principle in the context of rationale of actions and speech, rule of personal conduct and rule in choosing solutions are all violated.
How can Deputy Police force accused the a medical report as trying to confuse the publics and make a perception that Anwar is guilty of sodomise?
When a qualified-doctor look at your anus , yet its not considered sodomy-related examination?
How UMNO , the leader of barisan front which stands for power-sharing multiracial party willing to give up ministerial posts in order to gain the support of PAS and Malay?
Why a MCA leader which involved in extramarital sex ,still aiming to make a comeback and blame the sex scandal on video-spy conspiracy on others MCA leaders.
Its time, all malaysian which have doubts, begin to fall back to their very own principles. Have the courage and principles to do the right things for a harmonious multi-racial MALAYSIA.
30 Jul 2008
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